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From
the Opening Plenary of the Now We The People conference, 23.8.03,
University of Technology, Sydney
Senator Kerry Nettle
Thank
you, it's good to be here with everyone and have the opportunity to discuss
where Howard and Bush are taking us, and then to have the opportunity
over the next couple of days to talk about where we want this country
to be taken, and how we put in place strategies for being a part of taking
the country where we want it to go.
I'm bringing today a Federal Greens perspective to the debate, and I want
to start by pointing out someone who I really think exemplifies the close
relationship between the Bush Administration and the Howard Administration
[
and that's Tom Schaeffer, the US Ambassador to Australia
]
who took the ALP off for a meeting about their public disrespect for George
W Bush in the Parliament and took them aside to have a go at them about
that one. And then just last month it was, Tom Schaeffer thought nothing
of attending a Liberal Party function with Alexander Downer in Alexander
Downer's electorate. So the Ambassador for the USA Administration thought
it was OK to go to a Liberal Party function in Alexander Downer's electorate.
Now this man is not a diplomat; this man has never been a diplomat, this
man is a mate of George W Bush. Together they bought a baseball team,
and then he stayed on as president of the baseball team when George Bush
got elected as Texas Governor, then when Bush got into the Presidency
he took his friend Tom out of the - where was he working? - stadium real
estate consultancy and made him the ambassador to Australia. This man
is not a diplomat.
Now I think the Scheaffer approach to diplomacy doesn't just highlight
the close links between the Liberal Party and the Bush Administration
which of course that Liberal Party function which is a symptom of, but
it is also a link between an attitude we see coming from the Bush and
Howard administrations in he way in which they do politics. And that's
what I want to talk about today. It's aggressive, it's personalised, and
it's elitist, in the way in which they carry out their politics. Other
people are talking about particular issues; I want to talk about a modus
operandi of both the administrations, in the way in which they engage
with the public on a whole range of different issues.
It is characterised - and we see it here in Australia - by willingness
of the government to mislead, deceive, and to lie to the Parliament and
to the electorate. Some will say lies are nothing new in Parliament, but
I think the Howard Administration has taken this to a great extent in
terms of the number of lies, in terms of the significance of the lies,
and also the motivation behind the lies of the Howard Government, are
not just your normal politician-covering-their-arse kind of lies. That's
not what we're seeing, it's something far more significant than that.
When it comes to winning elections on the lie of children being throw
overboard, when it comes to SIEV-X, when it comes to when we made a commitment
to go to war, for what reason we made a commitment to go to war, whether
there are weapons of mass destruction, and the last couple of weeks we've
had the ethanol subsidy fiasco.
All of those lies are indicative of a steamrolling PR campaign to facilitate
public support for government decisions that have already been made. What
we see in terms of the way the government makes decisions - the government
comes up with an outcome that they know will bring benefit to themselves
and the vested interests that they protect in their government of this
country, then they implement those policies, and at the same time as they
implement those policies they bring on board PR companies to run campaigns
to convince the general population that these decisions that are being
made are in the interests of the Australian public. So, having started
out making that decision on the basis of "this is in our interests",
then they bring on the PR companies to try and convince everyone that
it is in the Australian public interest, for whatever it proposes they
take or forward on different issues.
Now this is a fundamentalist style of politics to run, this is an elitist
style of politics to run, this is a politics where there is no consultation
with the public. Interaction with the public is through the PR companies.
It is also an aggressive style of politics. People see Tom Schaeffer as
a pushy American but it would be a mistake to take that down as an accident
of culture - it is a general approach. We are seeing a level of bravado,
of tough talk, threat, insult - and ultimately violence - that is displayed
by the Bush Administration. It is a result of a calculated abuse of the
power of leadership.
It is an interpretation that is born perhaps because of a realisation
that the prestige of office allows much more scope to manipulate public
opinion than was previously thought. The Bush and Howard Administrations
use their positions of power and leadership to manipulate public opinion.
Now of course the times have to be right, and the lies have to be bold,
and you have to be prepared to bet big. But the Bush and Howard Administrations
have shows that George Bush and John Howard are leaders who are prepared
in their circumstances to manipulate the public mood. And they don't care
what lies, deceptions or scaremongering and bring up of fear they use
along the way as a part of their strategy for strengthening their power,
their control, and their leadership.
For George Bush it's been a dramatic expansion of the US's global, military,
and imperialist activities that have been facilitated with his "you're
either with us or against us" way in which he does politics. For
John Howard, at the same time as George W Bush was making these sorts
of comments, he and his ministers were weaving an elaborate and audacious
myth about baby-abusing subhuman invaders threatening our way of life,
and in illustrating this compelling yarn with ample military props, including
helicopters, warships and, of course, the beloved SAS.
It's worth noting here that the success of the Coalition in the leadership-led
manipulation of the public mood was significantly assisted by the failure
of the Opposition to rise to the challenge. I think one example of that
comes from the electorate of Calare, where Peter Andren is an independent
there. That's a conservative electorate in a lot of ways, and I know that
Peter Andren has been going around and speaking to the street about his
support for the rights of asylum-seekers. He faced abuse, he faced people
yelling and spitting at him in his campaign when he went round and he
talked to people on the street about the pro-refugee steps he was taking
in his electorate. He got a 15% swing towards him in that electorate during
that election campaign.
Now some people might think that there's less aggressiveness in Howard's
style of doing politics as opposed to George W Bush, but certainly the
"we'll decide who'll come to this country and in what circumstances
they come" line is firmly entrenched in the George W Bush tradition.
We also see in Howard a Christian conservative of the 1950s church district
cricket player and Bradman enthusiast. But it's within this conservatism
that we find a conflict in the direction that Howard is taking us - a
conflict between this and the other strong tradition that both these leaders
share, that masquerades as Liberal free market capitalism but is in fact
more a kind of crony capitalism that tips the playing field in favour
of big and influential players in the economy.
The tension exists because the kind of family oriented community oriented
mateship and barbecues vision that Howard would like to realise, is hard
to see thriving in a deregulated, user pays, dog eat dog world that his
social and economic policies endorse. He talks much about mateship, but
his social policies don't create an environment where mateship and a sense
of community can thrive.
In terms of social policies, both George W and John Howard are anti-gay
marriage and equal rights, prohibitionist in the drug debate, they are
environmental vandals, they are climate criminals, they have an atrocious
track record when it comes to indigenous rights and these strongly held
personal beliefs may sometimes struggle to find articulation in policy
detail, but their power still finds ample expression through being set
in a leadership context. Many would have dismissed Howard's recent comments
on gay marriages as stupid and irrelevant, but the fact that the Prime
Minister made those comments brings them into the debate. And it is the
same thing in relation to the death penalty. The fact that it is the Prime
Minister making comments on the death penalty brings it into the public
debate, and engenders a sense of conservatism in relation to gay marriages,
homophobia and in relation to the death penalty engenders a sense of revenge
within the Australian community.
Now the battle against leadership that we see in George W and that we
see in John Howard requires leadership. It requires conviction politics
that deals with principles and that deals with vision. It requires bravery
and it requires belief, and I know that that is the politics behind Now
We The People. The Greens also hope to play that kind of role and those
kinds of politics, and we call on others to do the same.
Thanks.
Kerry Nettle is the Federal Greens Senator for NSW
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