DISCUSSION STARTER 6

The Changing Agenda of Women

This Discussion Starter on The Changing Agenda of Women is part of a broad, inclusive, nation-wide discussion about a better way for Australia than today's market-driven degrading of citizens' rights and the public good.

This discussion process will culminate in a major national conference in Sydney on July 14-15, 2001.

This and other Discussion Starters aim to develop ideas for and interest in the conference, to ensure the most informed and productive level of discussion possible within our resources.


USING THE DISCUSSION STARTER
The project sponsors encourage you to use the Discussion Starter in a group discussion in your locality, community organisation or trade union. If that's not possible, work through the points and questions yourself.

In either case, your feedback on this topic into the discussion process is vital to develop the agenda for the July 2001 conference.


GUIDELINES FOR GROUP DISCUSSION

  1. Select a facilitator and a note-taker for the discussion
  2. All participants should introduce themselves and say what they expect to achieve from the group discussion
  3. Either a guest resource person, or someone in the group, should briefly introduce the first point in the Discussion Starter (5 mins).
  4. In turn, each participant should comment on the discussion point.
  5. At the end of discussion on each point, the facilitator should try to briefly summarise the views expressed, and if agreed, the note-taker should record the summary.
  6. This process should be repeated for each point.
  7. After all points are discussed, participants should be invited to briefly say if their expectations were met.
  8. The summary of the discussion should be returned to Now We The People's Sydney office, by email if possible info@nowwethepeople.org Fax: 02 9211 1407. Post: PO Box K941, Haymarket NSW 1240..
  9. The discussion should be no longer than 90 minutes, and there should be a refreshment break during or at the end of the discussion.
Introduction
According to the United Nations, women make up 70% of the world's 1.3 billion people living in poverty, 65% of the world's refugees and two thirds of the world's illiterates. They are two thirds of the exploited informal work force, head almost a third of households, own just one percent of the world's resources and earn one tenth of the world's income. Women are barely represented in economic and political decision making, making up only 10% of parliamentary representatives worldwide.
(Community Aid Abroad 1999)

This paper addresses some relevant issues to women in society, it does not cover all feminist positions on these issues. The paper is not aimed specifically at men or at women, it may be used as a basis to discussion for groups or individuals. When there is use of the term 'woman' it is important to bear in mind that there are differences between women, for example, on the basis of class, race and ethnicity.

The terms sex and gender are not to be taken as meaning the same thing. Gender relates to the social differences between men and women, character traits that arise from social and cultural forces, not natural ones. An analysis of gender should not just be confined to areas considered to be women's experiences, but to all of society.

Although feminists take different positions on patriarchy, it can be literally defined as 'rule of the father' - patriarchy is a system of power.

In Australia, the modern women's movement arose in close connection to campaigns by women in industry for a better deal on many fronts. We must acknowledge and defend the victories of the women's movement, and we must also ask how can we further advance the struggle for women's rights.

Source: Curthoys (1988) For and Against Feminism: A personal Journey into Feminist Theory and History Allen and Unwin, Sydney.


Brief Background
Throughout history the women's movement women have made important contributions to broader social change, for example the emphasis on human rights not just growth and development. Women have also been integral in influencing ways of organising, they have helped promote autonomous organising which is open, inclusive, democratic and non-hierarchical.

Marilyn Lake has provided a brief overview of the women's movement in Australia:

  • 1880s - 1890s - Women's movement campaigned for political and social reform to 'protect women and children'. Focus on political power led to achieving women's suffrage.
  • 1900s - 1930s - Focus on women as citizens, emphasis on independence. Demands such as equal pay and indigenous women's rights.
  • 1940s - 1960s - Increased emphasis on equality of opportunity, women's right to participate in public and professional life. Discarding of earlier materialist orientation for a more modern focus on achieving equality with men. Tensions emerging between feminists.
  • 1960s - 1990s - Women's Liberation Movement. Sexual freedom as a right, coupled with demands to 'smash the family'. Focus on 'personal is political' and critiques of masculinity. Aiming to 'free' the person from sex roles and stereotypes. Equal Pay and Anti-Discrimination.
  • Present - Challenge to the feminist claim that feminism speaks for all women. Feminists having to reconceptualise their relationship with ' other' women realising that they have different experiences and different political interests. Reformulating coalition building and notions of sisterhood.
Source: M.Lake A history of feminism in Australia in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.


Women and Family

The Nuclear Family
The nuclear family unit has been viewed by many feminists as central to women's oppression. In the 1970s feminists identified the nuclear family household as the central institution of patriarchy and developed the rallying cry of 'smash the family'. Some modern feminists remain deeply critical of this family unit.


These 'prison of the family' arguments developed as evidence accumulated about the extent of domestic violence, marital rape and child sexual abuse. Connections were also made between the family and wider forms of women's oppression - exploitative and secondary roles in the workplace, exclusion from political activity and objectification within pop culture.

Feminist strategies were aimed at helping women 'escape' the family, for example, birthcontrol, childcare provision and equal opportunity at work.

The trend in increasing levels of divorce (40% of marriages end in divorce) and decreasing marriage levels (between 1972-94 the percentage of women married by 25yrs old fell from 85% to 47%) have been matched by a growing trend from neo-liberals and conservatives to push the 'pro family' line.

Despite gains feminists have made in highlighting the inequalities in the nuclear family, a problem still remains with the 'normality' of heterosexuality, all other groupings and relationships are judged against this ideal and found as lacking or deviant.

Feminists tackling the nuclear family issue have acknowledged the importance of extended families to Aboriginal people and the collective base of families from non-Anglo cultures.

Source:
A. Curthoys (1988) For and Against Feminism: A personal Journey into Feminist Theory and History Allen and Unwin, Sydney.
R.Pringle Family, kith and kin in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • How would you describe the household you live in? Does the term 'nuclear family' apply?
  • Does it enable all members to fully develop their potential?
  • How can inequality within family units be addressed?

Childcare
Most early services for childcare assumed women were not in the paid workforce, for example Kindergarten Unions (1895) and the Sydney Day Nursery Association (1905). It was not until the 1960s that the Federal government became a focus for feminists funding claims. They argued that childcare was not simply an educational service but a fundamental social requirement.

Uncertainty surrounded government funding after the dismissal of the Whitlam government in 1975. Under the Fraser government (1975-83) funding was considerably cut.

In 1991 under the Labor government there was a shift toward 'private for profit' childcare centres. This was meet with fierce opposition from the community and feminists organisations. This move towards privatisation raises concerns over the quality of childcare and concern over profit making from a public need. The ideal for community based, non-profit childcare centres was slowly being lost under the Labor government. Today under the Howard government's cuts to public spending, the ideal has been placed firmly out of reach.

Source: D.Brennan Childcare in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • How can quality childcare services be made more accessible for all women and families?
  • How can we place such services back in the hands of the community?

Domestic Labour
Women's unpaid domestic labour is integral to gender inequalities. Women's work in the home is not incorporated into economic models and it also restricts access into paid work. Domestic labour is undervalued and unrecognised. Feminists have fought to change this status of domestic labour as well as explain why women bear the burden of housework.

Janeen Baxter identifies three major phases in feminist ideas about domestic labour:

  • 1950s -1960s - domestic division of labour was largely unquestioned and assumed to be related to biological differences between men and women.
  • 1970s - an increase in investigation of relationship between housework and paid labour. Growing political and intellectual debate around housework as 'real' work that produces value. Campaigns to make housework viable as real work and challenge the capitalist subordination of women.
  • 1980s -1990s - move away from debating domestic labour's role in producing capital toward explaining why there has been so little change in the domestic division of labour.
  • In Australia in 1986 men reportedly spent 14hrs a week on domestic work. By 1993 this had only increased by 1hr.
  • An ABS survey in 1992 revealed that women spend 22hrs a week on domestic labour compared to men's 12hrs. The total value of unpaid labour in 1992 was $27.8 billion, and the ratio to GDP was 58%.
The trend of increasing numbers of married women entering into the labour force has simply meant they face the 'double burden' of unpaid domestic labour and paid work. Feminist strategies for combating this have included: workplace reforms, workplace flexibility, increased funding for childcare and paid and unpaid paternity/paternal leave.

Source: J.Baxter Domestic Labour in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • On average how many hours do you spend on housework in a week?
  • Is this level of housework shared equally among members of your house? If not, what are the main factors contributing to this?
  • How do you think the value of domestic labour should be measured?

Reproductive Rights, Technology, Abortion and Contraception
There is no single feminist perspective on these matters that are all complex issues producing polarised views. At the core of these issues is 'women's right to chose'. Embedded in this is the challenge to recognise women's diversity while at the same time opposing attempts to deny women's right to choose. Central to these issues is levels of access to fertility services and how these are shaped by social, political and economic circumstances.

Women's right to choose has been the foundation of many feminist campaigns. Factored into these campaigns is the fact that Aboriginal women, non Anglo women and women from industrialising nations are still fighting for many rights that Anglo Australian women take for granted.

By 1980 fertility was seen as controllable for most women, there was acceptance for safe abortion and effective contraception, but still no strong vision for women's liberation. Some feminists felt that the fertility debate had to extend beyond healthcare issues and into the wider realm of sexuality. They wished to challenge cultural definitions of women as reproductive agents and felt that this could not be done simply on medical and healthcare grounds.

With growing technological advances and the increased role of medical science, the fertility debate has taken on a new shape. IVF, for example, has produced differing feminist opinions and encompasses many ethical and legal issues.

Many feminists refuse to ignore the social and political context of these new technologies. They argue that class dimensions and male dominance in the medical profession are all too apparent.

IVF highlights the debates concerning access. While some white middle class mothers can use these measures to control their fertility, it is difficult for other women to do so. This is especially true now that the Howard government has proposed to restrict IVF from gay couples and single parents.

Abortion in Australia is available but not legal anywhere except in South Australia. Feminist activists have fought long campaigns to repeal abortion laws, arguing again that women need to control their fertility, but have not yet met success. A major victory did occur in 1970?? when the House of Representatives defeated a private members motion to deny medical benefits for abortion. The Australia Medical Association supported opposition to this motion.

Source: R.Albury Reproductive Rights and Technology in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • What does 'women's right to choose' mean to you?
  • How could we extend debates about fertility and contraception beyond healthcare grounds and into the realm of women's rights?
  • What do you think is the main reason for abortion remaining illegal in most parts of Australia? What new strategies could be employed to win this campaign?

Welfare
The Australian welfare state is deeply marked by gender. The welfare state reinforces the private role of women while it recognises men as economic beings, as 'breadwinners'. Many feminist believe that the welfare state provides support for women, not to improve their independence, but to enable them to continue their private caring role. In this way women's subordination is reinforced along with the patriarchal institutions of marriage and family.

Historically this dates back to the Harvester Arbitration Case in 1907 which established a 'family wage' that was sufficient for a man to support a wife and three children on. The Arbitration Court set women's wages at 54% of the male rate. This clearly placed women in a secondary position to men and established a male breadwinner model of wages and welfare.

Since this time some steps have been taken toward greater equality in welfare:

  • 1980s - challenging of assumption that marriage is associated with female dependency
  • 1981 - International Labour Conference (ILO) adopted two conventions that recognised paid work and family responsibilities.
  • 1986 - Federal Equal Employment Opportunity and Affirmative Action legislation passed.
  • 1989-95 - Public childcare provision increased as well as increase in female participation in the labour force.
  • 1990 - Australia ratified the ILO Convention which obliged government to develop policy that enables people the right to work without discrimination and without conflict to family responsibilities.
Despite this shift towards equality, the welfare state remains gendered, with women often receiving payments for their 'carer' roles while men still tend to be dealt with according to their economic roles.

Under the Howard government the welfare state has been gradually eroded and there have been strong attempts to reinforce nuclear family values.

Source: B.Cass and D.Mitchell Social Security in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • Have you or people you know experienced the poverty trap, whereby getting paid gives virtually no better income than the welfare benefit?
  • What can be done to improve wages for the low paid?
  • What can be done to improve the amount of money for basic welfare?
  • Have you or people you know experienced periods of reliance on social security benefits? Did you note any differences between the treatment of men and women?

Women and Work Gender is a major variable determining labour market placement. In Australia it has led to the most sex segregated labour market in the industrial world. Women's disadvantage in the labour market cannot be explained just by looking at the structure of the labour market itself, it must be placed in a broader social context. The terms of the labour market are dictated by economic, cultural and political agendas making the effects felt by women vastly different as we cross boundaries of class, race and ethnicity.

There are many issues embodied in 'women and work', for example, access to employment opportunities, equal pay, working conditions that recognise women's responsibilities at home, sexual harassment, undervalued domestic labour, the double burden of domestic labour and paid labour and under representation in unions. In the impoverished countries the issues are even sharper- poor working conditions, severely underpaid work and working outside the formal sector.

In Australia in 1999 women made up 43% of the labour force. 47% of female employees work full time compared to 87% of male employees that work full time. 44% of females work part time compared to 13% of males that work part time. Women earn 87.5% of full time average earnings, which drops to 65% when part time earnings are added in.

There has been a huge increase in the number of women workers since the 1960s and a greater equality in wages. Factors contributing to this include increased access to contraception, as well as employer demands for more labour as the economy expanded.

Despite this growth in the female participation rate, inequality still exists in the market place. Women often work in part time, casual or other forms of precarious employment and they work in sectors that have historically low union membership. Women earn lower wages than men do and have fewer hours of paid work. Sex stereotyping of jobs and tasks leads to designation of women's jobs as unskilled and male 'breadwinner' ideologies means women workers are undervalued as wage earners. Women's work within the home is also responsible for their subordinate position in the labour market. Women's work in some industries often mirrors this domestic work which further adds to the stigmatisation of women's work as 'unskilled'.

Male dominance in the paid labour force has made it difficult for women to achieve equal rights as such rights are usually attained through male dominated institutions such as unions, courts and legislation.

Over the last few decades in Australia some significant gains have been made.

  • 1969 - Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission decided 'equal pay for work of the same nature'
  • 1972 - National Wage and Equal Pay cases acknowledged the concept of 'equal pay for work of equal value'
  • 1974 - women entitled to same minimum wage as men so sex was not a criteria in wage setting.
  • 1986 Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) and Affirmative Action (AA) were established.
The increase of women in the workforce has slowly transformed the face of unions which are historically male dominated. Historically, the union movement demonstrated hostility towards women workers out of a fear that they would drive male wages down. They were built on the idea of protecting male workers and an underlying culture of male 'mateship'.

Feminists have organised women in unions and pushed for greater representation within union ranks. The focus has been on issues such as equal pay, maternity and paternity leave. Unfortunately just as women were beginning to use existing structures to their advantage, deregulation of the labour market contributed to declining rates of union participation and decreased influence of unions, and weakened the Arbitration Commission in its centralised wage fixing role.

Women tend to work in sectors of the economy that are difficult to unionise, and this problem is intensified in a deregulated and casualised workforce.

Attacks on unionism under the Howard government and cuts to public spending means women still don't have adequate access to paid maternity and paternity leave, or publicly funded childcare.

Unions today recognise the need to make themselves more appealing and accessible to women, and to encourage much higher participation of women in leadership positions. The Australian Council of Trade unions now has its second woman President, Sharon Burrow, following Jennie George.

Sources:
M.Thorton Equal rights at work in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.
D. Mitchell Wages and Employment in Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.
B. Pocock Trade Unionism in Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • What do you think have been the most significant gains made by women for women in the workforce?
  • How can we secure rights for women in the workforce, and allow greater access and flexibility for women in work?
  • If you belong to a union, how many women are also in that union compared to the number of men? How should unions address this situation?
  • How do you think women's greater involvement in unions has made them stronger?
  • Would 3 months paid maternity leave in the private sector give more choice to women and families?

Women and Development
Women in impoverished countries do large amounts of work outside of the wage economy, as well as paid work for which they receive less than half of the income of men.

There has been recognition of the poverty faced by peoples in these countries yet development programs often fail because of the gender bias. Gender bias can thus be seen as a primary cause of poverty. Economic development programs often rest on the assumption that economic growth is gender neutral, and ignores the devastating 'gender gaps' that exist in the distribution of wealth and resources to women in the industrialising world.

Women in the industrialising world provide crucial economic support to their families by earning income in agriculture, in formal and informal labour markets and in international industries. In most countries women work longer hours than men and this extra work is rarely offset by a reduction in duties at home.

In industrialising countries women work an average of 12 - 18 hrs a day producing food, managing resources, and working in paid and unpaid activities. Men work an average of 8 - 12hrs a day. Women are often the main 'breadwinners'.

As in the industrialised world, women in the industrialising world face the low valuation of the work they perform in the non-wage economy. When this is coupled with a lack of access to resources women often find themselves trapped in a cycle of poverty.

Outside of subsistence economies there has been a growing number of women working in urban employment. However, due to discrimination and domestic responsibilities, women often end up working in the 'informal' sector. This sector is characterised by traditional labour intensive practices, low, irregular earnings, no unionisation or social security and no paid maternity leave. Informal employment often operates in the margins of the law.

Trends in corporate globalisation have also led to the increasing establishment of 'free trade zones'. Multinational companies do not have to meet any recommended international standards on human rights or labour rights. Most of the workers employed are young single women who are more vulnerable. In some cases the State and multinationals come to agreements whereby they can prohibit any forms of unionism or strikes.

Feminists in the industrial world acknowledge that they cannot fully understand the situation of women in the industrialising world. They recognise that there are differences in women's conditions on account of race, class and ethnicity, and attempt to show solidarity and support. Examples of this include the Nike campaign to improve the conditions of Nike factory workers in Asia, and the Fairwear campaign against sweatshop for clothing manufactured in Australia and overseas.

Source: J.Jacobson (1992) Worldwatch Paper 110 Gender Bias: Roadblock to Sustainable Develop

Discussion Questions:

  • What are some of the examples you can think of where women in the first world have displayed their solidarity and support to women in the industrialising world? What can we learn from this?
  • What do you see as crucial issue in breaking the female 'cycle of poverty' in industrialising countries?

Women and Violence
The 1992 Position Paper of the National Committee on Violence Against Women defined violence against women as 'behaviours by men adopted to control his victim, which results in physical, sexual and/or psychological damage, forced social isolation or economic deprivation or behaviour which leaves a woman living in fear'.

Women have suffered from violence caused by men for an extensive period of time, including rape, sexual abuse, domestic violence, verbal abuse, spousal homicide and stalking.

Massive feminist campaigns have existed around violence since the 1970s. Increased awareness about the levels of domestic violence and the fact that there was no safety refuges for victims was the catalyst for strong domestic violence campaigns in the same period. These campaigns resulted in the establishment of the first women's refuge in Australia in 1974 - Elsie Women's Refuge. In the 1980s child sexual abuse emerged as a serious issue. Feminists took this on board along with domestic violence and rape. Research into child abuse revealed startling rates of assault, a survey in 1988 found that 1 in 4 girls were a victim of sexual abuse by a man 5 years their senior.

Statistics of violence against women are often restricted on the basis of women's unwillingness to disclose information and the method of inquiry. Reporting of violence is often restricted on the basis of women feeling the incident is too trivial, they feel they will not be believed, or they are embarrassed at disclosing the details. Reporting is also affected by social attitudes which foster guilt in the victim.

Many feminists argue that institutions such as the legal system uphold and even reinforce violence against women. The legal system is often criticised for its inability to prevent the crimes or to treat the issues seriously.

The issues of prostitution and pornography also arise in reference to violence and women. Radical feminists view all prostitution as 'forced' and a gross violation of human rights. It is seen as a sexual exploitation and even sexual slavery. They also view pornography as the ultimate expression of misogyny that produced images both violent and sexist. Robin Morgan encapsulated this view of pornography as subordination that leads to violence with the slogan 'pornography is the theory, rape is the practice'.

This also raises the connection between media and violence against women. The exploitation of women in the media goes beyond pornography. The realm of media represents, once again, a male form of supremacy that attempts to place women in an inferior position. The pertinent issue with women, media and pornography remains who owns the media and pornography and who is benefiting? The objectification and discrimination of women in media must be understood in a broader social and economic context that rests on patriarchal grounds, and values profit making above all else.

Source: G.Mason Violence in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • Have you been involved with any domestic violence, or violence against women campaigns? What were the main strengths of the campaign?
  • How can the issue of violence against women be made more visible?
  • How does violence against women relate to social conditions of poverty and unemployment in Australia?

Globalisation and Women
Globalisation is a complex issue. National boundaries are becoming increasingly transparent as the free movement of capital, goods and communication grows. Along with this globalisation comes a devastating impact from new global configurations of power.

The intensification of globalisation is threatening women's rights around the globe and feminists face one of their biggest challenges as they learn to embrace the politics of difference. Feminism had often been accused of being white, middle class and Western and as globalisation takes hold feminists need to address these accusations.

Corporate globalisation has had disproportionate effects for women. The international division of labour has exaberated inequalities between men and women. This has clearly contributed to the increasing feminisation of poverty. With women making up 70% of the world's poor and 65% of refugees.

As multinationals go global in their pursuit of increased profit, many women find that they are the source of a cheap, flexible labour supply. This is especially true for women in industrialising countries and for migrant women in industrial countries. Women in the industrialising world become subject to massive companies attempting to cut labour costs through labour market deregulation, many women work in factories and sweatshops where they suffer low wages, poor working conditions, occupational segregation and sexual harassment from employers. In Australia many migrant women and non-Anglo women work as outworkers where exploitation is equally high, and many women find themselves working 12-18 hour days, 7 days a week for only 1/3 the rate of pay.

As the power of multinationals grows, the power of national states is redirected. A clear shift away from social rights towards competition, efficiency and productivity becomes apparent as the mentality of corporate globalisation takes over. Women are especially hard hit as nation states cut back on public spending, leaving women with decreased access to education, health and childcare.

Although under corporate globalisation capital moves more freely than anything else, women have still managed to organise and link up across the globe. There has been a number of global women's conferences as well as the formation of women's networks. One of the many challenges for feminist under corporate globalisation will be defending the gains they have made so far and moving forward in the face of deregulation and cuts to public spending and 'backlash'.

Source: J.J.Pettman Transnational Feminisms in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.

Discussion Questions:

  • List some examples of where women have successfully organised globally to advance their rights?
  • How can corporate globalisation be linked to women's experiences in public education campaigns?

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women
As mentioned in the previous section feminists are often accused of being white, middle class and Western. This has caused problems for indigenous women who feel that some feminists have attempted to speak on their behalf.

Marcia Langton and Kirsten Barry have outlined a brief history of the situation for Aboriginal women from colonial times up until the present, to reveal that the history and experiences of Aboriginal women are markedly different to those of white Australian women.

Aboriginal women were often the primary 'breadwinners' for their families, they provided childcare, domestic labour, sexual partners and undertook pastoral and agricultural labour. In the 1880s Aboriginal women were often employed as domestic servants and 'prostitutes' (the tribal husband was often compensated for this exchange, and in Aboriginal culture such exchanges were not necessarily exploitative).

In the 1840s Aboriginal women worked as much as Aboriginal men, and often for the same rates of (minimal) pay. They worked as nannies and domestic servants for white people, and also worked in industries dominated by men such as cattle herding and stockwork.

Between the 1900s and the 1970s the removal of Aboriginal children from their families occurred. Aboriginal girls were often placed in institutions where they were to be trained as domestic labour and taught to 'assimilate' with white Australia. In this period 10-30% of indigenous children were forcibly removed from their homes, they were often then enslaved and physically and sexually abused.

In the 1920s the Aboriginal protest movement began in which Aboriginal women were not just instrumental, they were leaders. They exposed the poor conditions of the institutions that housed many indigenous people such as poor food, sexual abuse and unsanitary conditions.

In the 1950s and 1960s the fight for land rights began and again many Aboriginal women were instrumental. It was Aboriginal women who formed the Aboriginal - Australian Fellowship that eventually led to the Federal Council of Advancement for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.

Aboriginal women look after their land and their people. Aboriginal women are leaders in community and political life. (Source: M. Langton and K.Barry Aboriginal Women and Economic Ingenuity in B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.)

In Australia today Aboriginal women suffer intense discrimination and inequality, and the effect this has on Aboriginal women is outlined by ATSIC in a Statistical Profile of Aboriginal Women and Torres Strait Islander Women, June 2000.

Health

  • Life expectancy at birth was 62 years for indigenous women, for non-indigenous women life expectancy at birth was 81years.
  • Two thirds of deaths among indigenous women occurred before the age of 65 years, eight in ten deaths among non-indigenous women occurred after 65 years.
  • In 1995 over ¼ of indigenous women in non-remote areas reported poor to fair health. Births
  • In 1997 over 1 in 5 births to women aged under 19 were to indigenous women, for indigenous women in the age group 15-24 years birth rates were 2-3 times higher than for all women.
  • Babies born to indigenous mothers were twice as likely to die at birth than other babies were.
Access to health
  • In 1994 only 41% of indigenous households in rural areas had access to a permanent doctor within 25 kilometers.
  • 17% of indigenous households had no access at all to a doctor within 25 kilometers.
  • Only 35% of indigenous women in rural areas had access to a permanent woman's health service. Education
  • Less than 10% of indigenous women have post-school qualifications.
  • Only 40% of qualified indigenous women had a vocational qualification, most held bachelor degrees or other undergraduate qualifications.
Employment
  • Labour force participation rates for indigenous women are 43%.
  • Of those in the labour force 20% were unemployed in 1996. Prisoners
  • In 1999 there were around 300 indigenous women in prison. This is an imprisonment rate of 260 prisoners per 100 000 indigenous women.
  • Indigenous women comprise almost ¼ of all adult female prisoners in Australia.
Source: www.atsic.gov.au

Discussion Questions:

  • Why is there a huge gap between the broad Australian women's movement and indigenous women?
  • Do you know of community or government initiatives to bridge this gap?
  • What do you think are the priorities for advancing the interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women?

Chronology - Women's achievements in Australia
Year Achievements
1881 Adelaide, Sydney and Melbourne universities admit women students
1884 First branches of the World Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) established in Australia.
1888Inauguration of the Women Suffrage League of South Australia.
1891Rose Scott, Mary Windeyer and others found the Womanhood Suffrage League of NSW.
1892 Women's collage at University of Sydney opens.
1894 White women won the right to vote in South Australia
1899 Western Australian white women enfranchised.
1901 Women's Progressive Association established in NSW
1902 Most white women enfranchised for federal elections. NSW women given the vote in state elections
1903 Tasmanian white women given the vote for state elections.
1904 ALP's Labour Women's Central Organising Committee founded in NSW.
1905 Queensland women enfranchised for state elections.
1908 Victorian women enfranchised for state elections
1915 Established of Women's Peace Army.
1921 Australian Federation of Women Voters established. Edith Cowan is elected to the WA parliament, the first woman to sit in an Australian legislature.
1929 Australian feminists found the United Associations of Women.
1937 Formation of the Australian Council of Action for Equal Pay.
1945 Enid Lyons and Dorothy Tangney are first women elected to federal parliament. Lyons - House of Representatives, Tangney - Senate.
1947 In WA Florence Cardell-Oliver becomes Australia's first woman Cabinet minister
1948 ALP Federal Women's Conference adopts the Australian Labour Women's Charter.
1950 The Union of Australian Women is founded.
1968 Reform of South Australian abortion laws.
1969 The first Australian women's liberation groups meet in Adelaide, Brisbane, Melbourne and Sydney. Commonwealth Arbitration Commission accepts principle of equal pay for equal work.
1970National Council of Aboriginal and Islander Women established. Pro-abortion demonstrations held outside Central Sydney courts in support of arrested staff from Abortion Clinic.
1971 National Conference in Melbourne presented demands to ACTU Congress Charter of Women's industrial needs
1972 Principle of equal pay for equal work accepted by Arbitration Commission. Foundation of Women's' Electoral Lobby in Australia. Western Australian women's liberation and women's abortion Action Coalition in Sydney and Melbourne. One of the First International women's day march. Women's Abortion Action campaign was formed in Sydney.
1973 Appointment of the first 'femocrat', Elizabeth Reid', as Prime Minister's adviser on women's affairs. Foundation of Women's Abortion Action Campaigns in all states. First women's studies courses taught at Flinders University.
1974 Elsie Women's refuge opens in Glebe, Sydney. Women's Art Movement begins in Sydney and Melbourne. Rape crisis Centres are set up in capital cities. First women's health centre opens in Leichhardt, Sydney. Uniting Church calls for equality for women at all levels in the church. Preterm Abortion Clinic opened.
1975 Working Women's Centres are set up in Australian capital cities. Legislation outlawing sex discrimination introduced in South Australia. Start of 'The Coming Out Show'. International Women's film festival in several states.
1976Lesbian-Feminist Conference. Fraser government dismantled Children's Commission and reduced childcare budget.
1977 Legislation outlawing sex discrimination introduced in NSW and Victoria. Marital rape made a criminal offence in South Australia. Working Women's Charter published.
1978 First Reclaim the Night marches held, demanding safety for women at all times. First Women and Labour Conference.
1979 Establishment of Aboriginal Women's Health and Resource Centre and the Cawarra Aboriginal Women's refuge.
1980 Establishment of the Ngaanyajarra Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara women's Council. Conference on Women and Violence.
1983 'Close the Gap' women's peace camp held outside Pine Gap US Military Base, Central Australia. Convention on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) ratified by Australian government.
1984 Commonwealth Sex Discrimination Act passed.
1985 More than 13 000 women from 100 countries attend UN Conference on the Status of Women, Nairobi, Kenya.
1988 Federal Government passes equal opportunity/ affirmative action legislation. Justice Mary Gaudron becomes first woman appointed to the high court. The first Older Women's Network group forms in NSW.
1989 Rosemary Follett, Chief Minister of the ACT, becomes the first woman to head an Australian government.
1990 First Australian Chair of Women's studies established at Griffith University, Queensland.
1992 In Perth Anglican Church ordains women for the first time. Launch of Coalition of Australian Participating Organisations of Women (CAPOW!)
1993 Establishment of Older Women's Network (Australia).
1994 Establishment of Indigenous Women's Network.
1995 Jennie George becomes first woman elected president of the ACTU.
1996 Establishment of Australian Feminist Policy Network through e-mails links.
1997 Sue Walpole resigns as federal sex discrimination commissioner. Cuts to childcare funding. Closure of Women's Statistics Unit.
1998 Abortion legalised in limited circumstances in Western Australia. B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.


Chronology - Feminist achievements Internationally
YearAchievement
1848 The first American Women's Rights Convention.
1858 Lucy Stone refuses to pay taxes because she cannot vote.
1878 International Women's Rights Congress in Paris.
1888 Match girl strikes in London
1891 First World Convention of the WCTU.
1904 International Women Suffrage Alliance founded in Berlin.
1907 International Socialist Women's Conference
1911 First International Women's Day marches in Europe and the USA
1913 International Women's Peace Conference held in Hague.
1914 Outbreak of World War I
1939 Outbreak of World War II
1955 Rosa Parks, African-American resident of Montgomery, Alabama, refuses to sit at the back of a bus. US civil rights movement begins.
1966 National Organisation of Women founded in the USA. Indira Gandi becomes Prime Minister of India.
1972 Election of the Whitlam Labour Government
1975 UN declares 1975 International Women's Year and 1975-85 Decade for Women. International Women's Year World Conference, Mexico City, adopts a ten-year plan to raise status of women. Whitlam Labour Government dismissed.
1980 UN Mid-Decade World Conference on Women held in Copenhagen.
1985 Nairobi World Conference on Women, held at the end of the Decade for Women.
1993 UN Commission on Human Rights in Vienna, led to attention for human rights of women.
1994 Special Report on violence Against Women.
1995Beijing Conference World Conference on Women.

Source : B.Caine (1998) (ed) Australian Feminism - a companion, Oxford University Press, Melbourne.